Tuesday, March 27, 2012

SCOTUS On The Minimum Coverage Provision

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

The Supreme Court heard argument this morning on the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act's minimum coverage position. The audio is available (almost exactly 2 hours long), and it's an interesting listen. I wasn't trying to track votes (I'm sure plenty of pundits have issued their predictions), but rather to get an idea of the thread of the argument. And I've come away with this: it's still an easy case, if we look at the Constitutional text.

Note, of course, that I'm not saying it'll be an easy case for the Supreme Court. The Justices, like lots of highly-trained lawyers, are terrible at looking at the Constitution: they get far too caught up in precedent. But let's review the text:
The Congress shall have Power To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian Tribes.
In other words, there are three questions we must ask to determine if a law is within Congress's power under the Commerce Clause. (1) Is the law a regulation? (2) Is it regulating commerce? (3) Is the regulated commerce with foreign nations/interstate/with Indian tribes?

(1) Is the minimum coverage provision regulation? Yes. Bear in mind that regulation does not only limit action, it can also command it. (2) Is it regulating commerce? Yes. It regulates (orders) the purchase of health insurance. The purchase of health insurance is commerce. Is the regulated commerce interstate? Yes, the health insurance market is interstate (a fact not disputed by any parties in the case).

Does that mean that Congress can compel purchases in any interstate market? Subject to other constitutional restrictions (the First Amendment and the Fifth Amendment spring to mind), yes. Will they start issuing purchase mandates left and right? Of course not. That's why we the People retain the authority to vote them out of office.

Does the Commerce Clause, under this eminently obvious interpretation, give Congress an unlimited police power? Of course not. They cannot order people to attend school, unlike the states (attending school, unlike enrolling/paying for school, is not commerce, so it fails on factor 2). They cannot ban public nudity, or disorderly conduct, or institute curfews. They cannot institute most of the crimes in state codes. They cannot regulate local markets.

None of the lawyers made this argument. A few of the Justices seemed to be grasping at it. But it's the right way to go, rather than following the appellants who see a Commerce Clause power grown out of control and try to institute a limit completely devoid of grounding in the Constitution.

Herman's Taking Liberties: A Must Read

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

There's a temptation to forget about the many problems of our War on Terror. We were all outraged for a few years, but then it starts to fade into the background. Fights for marriage equality and the protection of choice begin to look more important. We get concerned about the economy. And most of all, we're convinced that nothing will ever really change.

That's why Susan N. Herman's Taking Liberties: The War on Terror and the Erosion of Democracy is such an important book. It doesn't present much new analysis. The basic message is one everyone has heard again and again: we must defend our civil liberties, and for the past decade all three branches of our government have failed us. Lawsuits have been stymied by ridiculous procedural arguments; Congress has legitimated executive over-reaches, and secrecy is the rule of the day. Nor does Herman present many new solutions. Civic engagement, responsibility, and awareness are her suggestions.

But the book is a crucial addition to the discussion because it is a strong reminder of where we are and what's happened. Herman puts a human face to the stories that all of us have heard of in the abstract, like Sami al-Hussayen who was prosecuted for helping a charity run its website, or Abdullah al-Kidd, who was arrested and held in terrible conditions because of a "need" for his testimony which never materialized.

With these stories and more, Herman helps us put the last decade into context. She weaves a narrative that's both informative and powerful. The road ahead on civil liberties won't be easy, and we'll face a lot of distractions along the way. But we must make our way back to the Constitution and our bedrock principles, and an important step in that process is remembering.

Monday, March 26, 2012

Volokh Slaps Down Napolitano

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

Eugene Volokh (who almost always comes down in favor of free speech) has an interesting post on a recent claim by Andrew Napolitano (a former judge and conservative Fox News pundit) that the Secret Service is trying to destroy free speech. It's worth reading, even though Volokh pulls his punches.

Sunday, March 25, 2012

Conservative Christian Prejudice Blinders

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

Anyone who has spent any time watching Fox News has heard that prejudice against Christians is the "last acceptable prejudice" in America. It's ridiculously untrue, of course, but the meme persists. It seems connected to the similarly ridiculous "idea" that persists among some conservatives that Fox News is revolutionary and not a "mainstream" media organization. But so it goes.

The theme was recently refined by Rick Garnett, who claimed that prejudice against Catholics is, in fact, the last acceptable prejudice. (Garnett removed the original post in favor of one which makes the same basic claims while deleting all the old comments and closing future comments.)

I've responded in various ways to this sort of claim, but I think that what needs public reairing is the amount of safe prejudice against anyone who isn't a conservative Christian that is constantly displayed by those on the political right seeking high office. And so, the videos.

Newt Gingrich saying that atheists cannot be trusted with political power:



Herman Cain saying that he would not appoint a Muslim to any high office:



But really, it's the Christians who are being discriminated against. That's why 100% of American Presidents have been Christian.

Saturday, March 24, 2012

A Plea For Sanity With Respect To Zimmerman

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

The media has generated a good deal of outrage at the killing of Trayvon Martin by George Zimmerman, and many have been calling for his immediate prosecution and conviction. But as so often happens when these emotional stories hit the media, most people are ignoring the criminal justice process and jumping straight to conclusions.

No one, except Zimmerman himself, knows whether he was acting in legitimate self-defense. There's some evidence that he was, but he could very well not have been. What's clear is that Florida's idiotic "Stand Your Ground" law, which makes self-defense an immunity from arrest rather than merely a defense at trial, prevented a complete investigation of the incident. But that's exactly the thing: without an investigation and a trial, no one of us has a reasonable claim to knowing what happened. And given that, we have a civic duty to respect the presumption of innocence.

Friday, March 23, 2012

On "health" and subjectivity

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

Earlier this month, John Breen at Mirror of Justice wrote a post on the contraception issue in which he said:
The critique against the secular dogma of contraception as essential to healthcare is not religious or normative but conceptual. “Health” is a scientific term that refers to the proper functioning of the human body and mind, and “healthcare” refers to the use of the medical arts to heal, cure or alleviate the effects of some disease, pathology, or physiological malady that impairs the health of the individual. 
The letter [his post was a response to a letter by other academics] simply assumes that contraception constitutes “healthcare” without showing this to be the case. For this assumption to be valid, however, one must regard pregnancy as a disease that should be prevented or “cured” once this condition ensues – a “cure” addressed by the abortifacient drugs also prescribed by the mandate.
I responded (in part) that "Health isn't about bringing everyone up to some objective universal standard of 'proper functioning.' It contains a highly subjective element of what each person sees as the proper functioning of their own body as an integral aspect of their self...it's *unwanted* pregnancy that's seen as a health problem: that is, someone's body (an integral part of the self) operating in a way which they do not want."

Breen wrote a long response available here, and I'm going to use this forum to respond since Mirror of Justice has a bad track record with long comments. I'll also add a few thoughts at the end in response to this posted reply by John O'Callaghan, since he takes issue with my argument (to the extent that it seems he considers the subjective understanding of 'health' "manifestly absurd"). I apologize to those not interested in the back and forth; please feel free to ignore this post.



Dear John,

First, I'd like to point out a mischaracterization in your latest post. I did not call your view a "fuzzy teleological objectivism," because you defended it more clearly than that. I used that in reply to Matt Bowman, another commenter on the original thread, who flatly rejected the notion that "health" can be anything but objective, while providing absolutely no reasoning behind his claim.

You also seem to object to the conclusory tone I used in my original comment. I don't think it was out of line, given the forum and the fact that I was responding to a similarly conclusory claim in your original post. I also don't quite understand why you feel it's necessary to point out that I "should be prepared to follow your argument where it leads." Of course I should, or I should be prepared to revise my views when serious discourse leads me to new conclusions. But anyways, on to the substance.

One of the themes in your argument is that a subjective definition of health leads to bad things being classified as health. For instance, you argue:
Thus, if “health” is a subjective determination – a matter of personal autonomy – then you should be prepared to require physicians and hospitals (i.e. “healthcare providers”) to engage in assisted suicide – whether the person is young, old, or middle-aged; suffering from a debilitating, terminal illness or “the picture of health.”
And:
What is more, if autonomy is the touchstone of “health” then you should be prepared to require physicians and hospitals to perform “voluntary amputations”
There's a missing link in your argument, though. Just because something falls under the definition of "health" does not mean that physicians or hospitals should be forced, or even necessarily allowed, to perform it. There are other values besides health that doctors must answer to, and some things (i.e. assisted suicide) might be impermissible even if they qualify as healthcare. (To be clear, I'm not acknowledging that assisted suicide is necessarily healthcare — more on that below.)

Another major thread in your argument focuses on what we can at least temporarily call "mental illness." You seem to be circling around a claim that my subjective conception of health doesn't allow me to acknowledge the existence of mental illness, at least when the patient (as so often happens) doesn't acknowledge that there's anything wrong. I agree that the way I originally framed my point suggests the conclusion you're reaching, and I'm grateful for the opportunity to clarify.

My argument, like most that rely on personal autonomy, appeals to that human capacity which we can call "reason." For a choice to be autonomous, and thus to come under my understanding of health, it must be rational. I realize that I must hasten to clarify how this isn't just slipping some new teleology in under a different name. The difference, it seems to me, is that while a teleological objectivism of the kind you're relying on argues that there is a correct end for each kind of thing. A requirement of rationality, on the other hand, simply says that the autonomous actor must be processing information, have goals and values, and make decisions aimed at achieving those goals and values. (I'll leave the difficult task of providing a more detailed definition of rationality to others more skilled than I.)

When someone has lost (either entirely or with respect to a certain decision) their ability to think rationally, we no longer think of their decisions as autonomous and those decisions no longer affect what we think of as healthcare for that individual. In those circumstances, one goal of healthcare is to restore rationality, so that the person can once again be an autonomous agent. Failing that, we try to decide what their wishes would be if they were thinking rationally — hence why people put in a position to make health decisions for an incapable individual try to respect what that person's wishes would have been.

So, when presented with an individual who expresses an abnormal desire (voluntary amputation, assisted suicide, bulimia, excessive plastic surgery) if we want to know what "healthcare" is we need to try to discern whether that person is thinking rationally and autonomously. There's a possibility that they are, though our intuitions may suggest that in most cases they aren't. If the desire is rational, and no other values override health, then we ought to respect it.

Moving on, you take issue with my argument that vaccines don't fix a deficiency or malady in the body. You're correct that they have the potential to prevent the body from being injured in the future, but that doesn't seem to fit with the narrow teleology that you're advancing. At the time of administration, a vaccine is an interference with a perfectly normally functioning immune system. There is nothing wrong with the body before the vaccine is given; rather, the vaccine introduces a problem in order to train the body how to overcome potential (more serious) problems in the future. We administer vaccines because we choose to reorder the priorities of our immune system to address problems which reason (and research) tell us are more likely to occur. We are, in fact, interfering with the "nature" of the body in order to have it behave as we want it to behave.

A subsidiary point: how can the nature of a vaccine as "healthcare" depend on the potential for a future infection which the vaccine helps to prevent? What if that potentiality never occurs (someone has a polio vaccine, say, but is never exposed to polio)? And if we open the door to things which might potentially prevent problems in the future, where do you draw an objective line between vaccines (which might prevent problems if there's later exposure to the virus) and contraception (which might prevent problems if the pregnancy that would have occurred had complications)?

In regard to my point that we would not consider vaccine administration "healthcare" if it were performed against the moral or religious objections of the patient, you suggest that the vaccine itself is objectively healthcare, even if we shouldn't give it for one reason or another. But the vaccine itself cannot be "healthcare;" only the act of administering it can be. (How can an object, removed from action, be "care" of any kind?) Would you argue that a doctor who administered a vaccine to an unwilling patient is providing healthcare? (Even if you would also say that the doctor ought not provide that specific healthcare because of conflict with other values.)

I believe I've responded to all the points you raised, though of course I may have missed some or responded to others unsatisfactorily. I look forward to the continuation of this dialogue.

Sincerely,
Andrew MacKie-Mason



Dear Mr. O'Callaghan,

In your letter to Mr. Breen posted by Rick Garnett, you make a few surprising claims. The most surprising of them is that a subjective understanding of the nature of "health" would somehow render meaningless all healthcare laws. Specifically, you wrote:
If the meaning of “health” and “healthcare” really are subjective determinations of the autonomy of private individuals, the state in mandating any sort of legislation concerning “healthcare” is quite literally legislating nothing. Any apparent law involving the terms “health” and “healthcare” are really schema with place markers or variables in them like “X” and “Y”, which of course means that they are not laws at all. Thus the incoherence--the law is not a law.
I'm not quite sure I understand your point here. First of all, it's undeniable that words may have a different meaning in legislation than they carry in ordinary parlance. Even if we agree that the word "health" (and all the baggage it carries with it in moral/philosophical/policy discussion) ought to refer to the subjective determination of rational individuals with regard to their own bodies, we needn't accept that it has the same meaning every time it's used in the U.S. Code.

And even if it did carry that same meaning in law, it's not true that all laws using the word "healthcare" would become meaningless. For instance, a law providing that "the decisions of all individuals with regard to their own healthcare shall be respected in certain circumstances" would remain perfectly coherent.

Your point here might be clarified if you provided some specific examples of laws which would be rendered meaningless under what I argue is the common conception of "healthcare."

You also argue that laws whose exact application depends on the decisions of private individuals are unjust because they make individuals into legislators in pursuit of their own ends:
The sort of self-legislation envisaged here by the autonomous-semanticist is quite different since it determines the very character of the law that binds, creating it, as it were, ex nihilo. And here it is a law that does not bind the autonomous individual; no it is a law that binds everyone else to the self-determination of the individual, and uses the coercive power of the state to so bind them. 
But one might have thought that it was fundamentally unjust for a private individual to use the coercive power of the state to enslave the lives of others to his or her private interests. Political theorists have a very specific word for such coercion.
However, the exact application of the law often depends on the desires of private individuals, in ways which potentially "enslave the lives of others to his or her private interests." This is often uncontroversial: laws which require employers to provide accommodations for employees religious beliefs is a great example. If you feel that there's a difference here, examples of such laws might again be very helpful in evaluating your argument.

Sincerely,
Andrew MacKie-Mason

Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Want To Read The Law? Better Pay Up.

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

A post by Adam Kolber at PrawfsBlawg made me aware of an egregious practice by many federal regulatory agencies: they incorporate privately developed industry standards into federal law by reference, without including a copy of those standards as part of the regulation.

On its own, that isn't too bad, of course: it just makes research a little bit harder. But the unconscionable thing is that the agencies do not require that the standards be freely available to the public. A lot of the time, private standards agencies will make copyright claims and require that interested parties pay for access to the standards, which are a part of the law.

These aren't highly obvious legal restrictions either, or restrictions on things which are malum in se (bad in themselves.) They're highly technical rules that companies in certain industries must follow for fear of legal repurcussions. There's no way to be sure of compliance without purchasing access to the standards — in other words, you have to pay to know what the law says.

One of the crucial assumptions of our system of justice is that the law is available to be read by anyone who's interested and cares to take the time. If I'm interested in the precise details of traffic laws in my state, for instance, I can easily look through them without even hiring a lawyer. Nowadays I just look on the Internet; previously I could go to a library or government office. But not so with these "standards." They're hidden from anyone who isn't willing to pony up the cash. It's governmental secrecy at its worst.

Of course, the solution is obvious: rather than forcing regulated companies to pay the cost of writing regulations (by paying the standards agencies for access) the government agencies should pay the standards agencies enough to get permission to publish the full text of the standards along with the rest of the regulations. It'll cost the same amount, but the right people will be paying. The private-public partnership will be preserved, without any of the terrible aspects of the current system.

Not only do laws which require cash for access invite egregious due process violations (how can we hold people responsible for obeying laws which they have to pay to read?), they also set up terrible incentives for regulators. Emily Bremer, an Attorney Adviser at the Administrative Conference of the United States who "wrote the research report underlying the recommendation" of ACUS supporting this practice, commented on the PrawfsBlawg post in her personal capacity. While trying to defend the incorporation of paid-access standards into the law, she provided an excellent explanation of why it's a terrible idea:
I agree that government buying the standards is an obvious solution, and it was an option discussed during the Conference's process. In my view, the difficulty with the approach is largely practical. If the goal is to provide a full copy of an incorporated standard online for all to see, the agency has to pay more than just the cost of the standard's regulatory use. It has to buy out the whole market for the standard (because it become available to anyone, even if they want it for a non-regulatory purpose). The potential cost is staggering, especially if you consider that there are thousand of standards already incorporated by reference that would have to bought out at once to implement the solution in the short-term. Particularly in the current budget environment, this is just not a workable solution. 
Another concern, beyond the potential for excessive entanglement between government and private standard developers, is the incentives the approach might create for agencies considering incorporating a standard. Standards are regularly updated to reflect evolving technical knowledge. Say Agency A incorporates the 2002 version of a standard by reference and pays for it to be freely available online. A new version comes out in 2005, and its more protective, but perhaps only marginally. When Agency B finds that it needs to incorporate the standard by reference, financial considerations might provide an incentive for it to incorporate the less protective 2002 standard. After all, that one's already been bought by another agency, so why spend scarce resources on the slightly newer version?
This is a great statement of a relatively obvious fact: forcing regulated agencies to pay for the cost of writing the regulations hides the cost of writing those regulations. It should be obvious to an informed observer that having the agencies pay for access to the standards wouldn't be more expensive than having the regulated companies pay; it just relocates the expense. But the incorporation scheme allows agencies to pretend that they're doing their job more cheaply than they actually are.

And it is almost never a good idea to separate decision-making from payment, because it removes the incentives for rational cost-benefit analysis. In the hypothetical Ms. Bremer poses in the second paragraph, Agency B definitely should incorporate the 2002 standards rather than the 2005 standards. Just as it doesn't make sense for the government to pay a lot of money for only slightly better standards, it doesn't make sense for the government to force companies to pay a lot of money for access to only slightly better standards. For that matter, it doesn't make sense for standards agencies to spend a lot of money rewriting standards if they're only going to make them slightly better. If Agency B requires companies to purchase the 2005 standard, there will be a huge amount of inefficiency and waste of scare resources. And that's something we can't afford, especially in the current economic environment.

I'm not usually one to be outraged by federal regulation, but if we're at the point where the government isn't even paying to write the regulations anymore, we've gone too far. Governing, especially with an administrative state, is expensive. We shouldn't allow agencies to hide that fact by using their authority to force private companies to do their job for them.

Tuesday, March 13, 2012

Tax Rhetoric

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

Fox News yesterday (one of the news shows, of course, not an opinion program) exposed me to one of the far-right talking points on taxes. The anchor was convinced that "no one is talking about lowering taxes for the rich." Instead, Republicans just want to "maintain the current tax rate" by extending the temporary Bush tax cuts. In contrast, President Obama wants to "raise taxes" by letting those tax cuts expire.

This is the kind of rhetoric that anyone even vaguely interested in truthful public discourse should be willing to come together to publicly condemn. Temporary tax cuts, like those that Bush instituted, are sold to the public based on the fact that they're temporary. That is, the "baseline" (against which we measure future 'increases' or 'cuts') after passing a temporary cut is the lower rate for X years, and then the original rate after that.

For the conservative establishment to turn around and now suggest that temporary tax cuts should be the permanent baseline and that simply letting temporary cuts expire constitutes a tax increase is an insult to reason, logic, and the American people. And to see it on a show that bills itself as journalism...

Saturday, March 10, 2012

Chicago Primaries

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

Early voting in the Chicago primaries is currently going on (until Thursday, I believe) and you can vote at any of the locations in the city. (Incidentally, the closest place for University of Chicago students is probably Ward 20, Coleman Library, 731 E. 63rd St. Open Mon. thru Sat., 9 am-5 pm.

You can look at a sample ballot here. I'm planning to vote in the Republican primary, for which I make the following endorsements:

Ron Paul for President. Based on how the primary's been running lately, this is the rather obvious choice. Santorum, Romney, and Gingrich are all simply unacceptable. Congressman Paul isn't the perfect candidate, but I think he'd be alright in all those realms which the President has direct control over, and that he'd lack the support in Congress necessary to institute most of his crazier ideas. (The other reasonable option, for those whose biggest concern is money in politics, is Buddy Roemer. He doesn't seem to have any bound delegates on the ballot, though, so I'm not sure what's up with that.)

For Congress in the 1st District, there's a surprisingly clear best option: Frederick Collins. He's a moderate Republican and former police officer, who takes remarkably reasonable positions on basically everything. The only strongly objectionable thing is the suggestion that we should have a single flat income tax rate. But he has basically the most reasonable statements on the right to choose and same-sex marriage that we can expect from a Republican these days. By contrast, Donald Peloquin has basically no information on his website that's useful in evaluating him as a candidate. And this is a good reason not to vote for Jimmy Lee Tillman.

Harold "Noonie" Ward, the only candidate for the Metropolitan Water Reclamation Commission, seems worth supporting.

The Chicago Bar Association rates James Gerard Riley 'Qualified' (the middle of three rankings), which is good enough to get my vote as the only candidate for a Supreme Court seat.

Since I can't find anything about Jacoby W. Crutcher Jr., the only candidate for Ward Committeeman of the 20th Ward, I won't be voting for him.

And that's all. Sparse Republican ballot here in Chicago...

Thursday, March 8, 2012

Refuting Santorum on Universities

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

This piece by Todd Gitlin at the Chronicle of Higher Education is worth reading. It refutes Santorum's suggestion that universities are indoctrination camps which help strip students of their religious faiths, and offers the following explanation for the rhetoric:
In the world according to Rick Santorum (and Sarah Palin, and Rush Limbaugh), the university-educated are the real One Percent who lord it over the Lord’s people. These fancy folks dare not call themselves by their true name—a French word, not accidentally, with one of those tricky accent marks over the initial é, and how appropriate for a concept so radically un-American. This élite is made up of secular zombies who smash sacred tablets, sneer at hard-working people, use fancy words, and otherwise try to convince the world that they are entitled to lounge around the ski slopes noshing on multigrain bread and Chilean sea bass while Joe the Plumber is busy whacking at government tentacles so that he can afford a decent steak.
UPDATE: This CHE-Brainstorm piece is also worth reading on a different of Santorum's claims regarding universities: namely that college isn't necessary for everyone. As the article points out, most jobs nowadays require (or benefit) from some form of post-secondary education.

Wednesday, March 7, 2012

Joseph Kony

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

The following video has been making the rounds. If you haven't seen it yet, you definitely should:



And you should also read this article, a critique of the charity, Invisible Children, that produced the Joseph Kony video and others like it. Tumblr seems to be getting flooded, so here's an excerpt if you can't get the article to load:
The group is in favour of direct military intervention, and their money supports the Ugandan government’s army and various other military forces. Here’s a photo of the founders of Invisible Children posing with weapons and personnel of the Sudan People’s Liberation Army. Both the Ugandan army and Sudan People’s Liberation Army are riddled with accusations of rape and looting, but Invisible Children defends them, arguing that the Ugandan army is “better equipped than that of any of the other affected countries”, although Kony is no longer active in Uganda and hasn’t been since 2006 by their own admission. These books each refer to the rape and sexual assault that are perennial issues with the UPDF, the military group Invisible Children is defending. 
Still, the bulk of Invisible Children’s spending isn’t on supporting African militias, but on awareness and filmmaking. Which can be great, except that Foreign Affairs has claimed that Invisible Children (among others) “manipulates facts for strategic purposes, exaggerating the scale of LRA abductions and murders and emphasizing the LRA’s use of innocent children as soldiers, and portraying Kony — a brutal man, to be sure — as uniquely awful, a Kurtz-like embodiment of evil.” He’s certainly evil, but exaggeration and manipulation to capture the public eye is unproductive, unprofessional and dishonest.
I don't know what the right answer is. The article's critiques regarding support for the Ugandan military rings true, as does the point that advocacy may be less important at this point than direct aid. Maybe it's wrong—maybe Invisible Children is going about this exactly the right way—but it gives me pause.

There's one thing the video's right about, at least: this needs to end. I just don't know what the best way to go about that is. So talk about it, discuss it. Please, let me know what can be done, or if all of these concerns about Invisible Children are misplaced and the organization really is the one to support in order to end the exploitation of children.

(H/T: LAB and CAD).

Tuesday, March 6, 2012

Bennett for Judge in Texas

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

Mark Bennett, a criminal defense attorney and law blogger in Texas, is running for the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals as a libertarian.

I've had sharp disagreements with Bennett's views over the years, and I've occasionally written about those disagreements. But I also think he's the right man for a judgeship. He has the kind of "libertarian" views that are dangerous in the executive or legislative branches ("Less government equals more freedom; I see it as a zero-sum game") but that are almost exactly right for dealing with criminal law.

Bennett also has the philosophical bent that distinguishes great lawyers from great memorizers and performers. And finally, Bennett brings criminal defense experience to a court largely made up of prosecutors in a state that executes far more people than any other each year. It can only be an improvement.

Sunday, March 4, 2012

A Bid By The Kochs To Take Over Cato

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

Jonathan Adler has the story. Pretty damning stuff, and another good reason to be suspicious of the Koch brothers role in directing public policy in this country.

Friday, March 2, 2012

Betting on Intrade Can Disqualify Voters

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

I ran across an interesting tidbit when looking at voter qualification rules in Wisconsin:
You are ineligible to vote in Wisconsin if you...Have made or become interested, directly or indirectly, in any bet or wager depending upon the result of the election.
It would seem, then, that betting on Intrade or similar sites would, at least in principle, disqualify people from voting in Wisconsin. If enforced, that could have a significant impact on crowd-sourcing projects like Intrade by excluding a significant portion of the voters from a certain state.

Does anyone know if similar requirements exist in other states or if they're ever enforced?

Thursday, March 1, 2012

Contraceptives and Mandates

(By Andrew MacKie-Mason)

By request, my thoughts on the contraceptive mandate issue...

Most of the discussion surrounding the Obama Administration's recently promulgated mandate that employers must include contraceptive coverage in their health insurance plans has, unfortunately, been focused on the wrong question. People have been asking whether religious employers ought to be exempted from the generally applicable law, but that question misses the reality of what employer-mandates with this really are: a restriction on the sellers of labor.

Mandates like this do not increase the costs of labor to employers, or regulate their actions. Instead, they put a restriction on people who are attempted to sell their labor to those employers. It tells them that they must take a certain amount of their pay in health insurance that covers contraceptives. Of course, the mandate is enforced by looking at employers, but that's an administrative detail, though one that unfortunately obscures the heart of what's going on.

And that's exactly why focusing on the the religious freedom rights of the employers is misguided. Beyond involving a tricky juggling of who exactly those employers are and what their beliefs and affiliations hold (since religious freedom rights fundamentally belong to individuals, and only derivatively to institutions), it misses the point that employees are the ones with the real conscientious objection. It's their wages that are being diverted to activities they disagree with.

Opponents of the mandate have come up with a tortured theory under which paying for the insurance coverage counts as cooperation with the ultimate "evil" of the use of contraceptives. But there's a simpler answer: employees with a religious objection should be able to opt for plans which don't cover contraception. If they have employees who so opt, employers should have the choice to offer a plan that satisfies those employees. (Of course, the employees can't force the business to pay their wages in any specific way.)

This vests the power and rights with the people whose money and consciences are really at stake, and removes the ability of extremely economically powerful religious organizations to impose their religious beliefs on employees and thus distort the market in contravention of true free exercise principles.